Texas intentionally holds back abortion statistics.
The court previously defined an illegal "undue burden" as "the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion of a nonviable fetus." That's what makes information about the potential effect of the law so crucial, and it's why public health researchers and advocates are anxious to see Texas' data from 2014, the first full year the admitting privileges requirement was in effect.
So people want to see Texas data from 2014.
"The data is not final. If the data were final, we would release it. We hope to have it finalized soon," said Carrie Williams, a spokeswoman for the department.
Texas says it's not ready.
But according to the state employee, who provided emails and screenshots to NBC News that appear to corroborate the timeline, the abortion statistics were in the final stages months ago. In fact, according to this individual, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of ongoing employment there, in December 2015, researchers in the relevant department were actually told to get the information ready sooner than the usual 15 months.
Turns out Texas had it ready months ago. Why does this matter? As previously discussed in this thread, they have some psychotic restrictions on abortion because they continue to see Roe v. Wade as "optional."
Texas officials have told the courts that their intention was not to make abortion harder to access — which would almost certainly render the law unconstitutional — but rather to protect women's health.
For this bullshit reason.
Crucial to the question of whether the law advances women's health, the researchers also found a "small but significant increase in the proportion of abortions that are second trimester," according to Grossman, suggesting women were facing longer waits or other hurdles.
Which causes longer waits to get into clinics, which causes potential complications with abortions that take place later on. You'll note that's the polar opposite of "protecting women's health."
Then there's this.
A separate provision of the law, not before the court, specifically restricted the method Kennedy referred to as "medical procedures," or medication abortion. Women had to make up to four separate visits to a clinic, faced a smaller window of availability, and a higher, potentially riskier dosage of the pills involved. For women whose nearby clinics have closed, the additional visits in particular would have posed a potentially unconstitutional burden.
And this.
As for the geographical data, clinics in El Paso, Brownsville and McAllen, all along the Mexican border, closed when their doctors were unable to comply with the admitting privileges portion of the law. The clinics argued in their challenge that the law specifically burdened the disproportionately low-income and Latina residents there.
Nothing says "cares about your health" like "closing down medical clinics."
Diogenes of Sinope: "It is not that I am mad, it is only that my head is different from yours."
Arnold Judas Rimmer, BSC, SSC: "Better dead than smeg."